Congonomics 101 – an appeal to Sarah Palin

19 12 2010

Sometimes Congo feels almost like a normal country, at least if you’re eating pizza, surfing the net and sipping mulled wine in the city, as I am right now. But then, just when you’ve had a few weeks to get complacent, some kind of Congolité craziness comes up, knees you in the stomach and puts in a few sly kicks as you’re writhing on the ground, for no reason other than to remind you that you’re working in one of the most corrupt and dysfunctional states in the world.

Individually people here as are bright and entrepreneurial as you could possibly hope to meet, collectively they (and all of us here) suffer greatly from the legacy of Mobutism and what the Congolese call Article 15 of the Constitution (the old Congolese constitution had 14 articles): “se debrouiller” which is difficult to translate exactly, but basically says “fend for yourself”.  The complete breakdown of the state in the 70s and 80s in DRC, together with this state-sanctioned corruption led to a situation where the main function of the many state functionaries is to make money. This goes way beyond what would normally be considered corruption – this means teachers charging students, doctors charging patients…so far so like privatisation…but also judges selling judgements, prison guards selling the keys, soldiers and police selling their ‘protection’, and everyone else using whatever pieces of official-looking paper they can find to levy taxes so ridiculous even Margaret Thatcher wouldn’t have dared to pull them out of her handbag.

It’s easy to say it’s corruption, but this is the rule not the exception, thoroughly embedded into all facets of how things work at every level. How do you tell a teacher or a doctor they shouldn’t charge people when they receive nothing, or next to nothing, from the state? Official salaries for a teacher, when they arrive, are something like $20 per month, though they are in the process of being increased to something more like $70, it is still far from what would allow the idea of corruption to be taken seriously.

Two recent events reminded me of this recently. One was that the Congolese government recently purchased around a dozen new boats to take passengers across lake Kivu, between the major commercial capitals of Goma and Bukavu. But there are already a dozen or so private operators that run that route, so the government decided to massively increase the taxes on private operators, so as to allow the government to undercut them. So the private operators went on strike, the government boats were not yet functional, and so everything ground to a halt for a week or so. I guess what makes this a Congo special is that few people here would trust a government boat to get from one side of the lake to the other without breaking down, running out of fuel, or worse. Even the private operators run out of fuel on the lake on a fairly regular basis (despite making exactly the same trip every day); the concept of a government authority running anything that requires them to do more than apply their special stamp to a piece of paper and pocket their fee (something that the visa authority in Kinshasa takes an average of 2 months to do) is laughable.

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The second ‘facteur declencheur’ of this rant was the arrival of two charming representatives of one of the many different local courts of somewhat unclear jurisdiction in our office this morning. They had come to seize assets pre-emptively over a debt that we do not actually owe, that other courts have already agreed was an entirely frivolous claim, but in the true style of the way things are done here, our litigant waited until the president of one of the courts was away, induced the interim to sign a document authorising seizure, and voila we have people at our gates seizing vehicles – pre-emptively, as they explained, just in case we were to lose a lawsuit that is not even in process. When we followed up with our lawyer, the president of the court agreed that he had not signed the order, his interim should not have signed the order, but unfortunately there was nothing that could be done about it until next week. So we have spent the week with two of our vehicles non-operational and me going through one of my semi-regular questionings as to why I bother.

These may seem relatively minor, but it’s only a small slice of what we deal with. Recent highlights that my colleagues and other NGOs have dealt with in the last few months alone have been:

  • Claims of several hundred thousand dollars in back taxes for payroll taxes that NGOs did not pay to the Congolese state for operations in the East of Congo between 1997 and 2003 – when the Congolese state did not actually control this territory, and NGOs had to pay taxes to the groups who controlled the area.
  • Claims that we should pay the Congolese state $150 for every water point that we construct.
  • A tax of 1% of the value of all NGO projects for ‘monitoring’ by the government.
  • A pollution tax for using generators (when there is a few hours of state electricity a day in the big cities only).
  • An obligatory paid ‘refresher training’ for NGO drivers (maybe this is more funny for residents who see how non-NGO drivers drive around here).

And my personal favourite:

  • $36 000 for unsafe disposal of 10 cans of beans that were emptied on a tip one month past their expiry date, apparently because the kids who scavenge on the tip might have eaten them. Typically after several hours of negotiation this was generously reduced to $100 and then finally, as with all the others, dropped entirely.

While this little rant has been caused by the problems I and my organisation have in trying to get things done in DRC. But I’m totally aware of the relatively privileged position I and my international organisation are in. We are quite capable of defending ourselves and generally can keep escalating things through the legal/administrative systems until we get to someone who is too far up the chain to be bought off over these types of petty claims. This kind of thing is a massive waste of time and energy that could be put to much much better use. And it’s not that NGOs don’t want to pay tax – NGOs are sadly far and away the biggest contributors to the state coffers, possibly excepting the mobile phone companies. Nor that the state should not exist: East DRC is a considerably less risky place to live in than Mogadishu.

But for people less connected and particularly the much put-upon private sector, this kind of dysfunctionality is a complete disaster. Talk to any business owner in the area about what their main problems are, and every single one can recite a litany of bureaucratic predation. I’d put it a close second to the continued armed conflict as to the biggest hindrances on economic development in this area. So if ever there was a place where a Tea Party-style small government agenda has its place, this is surely it. Sarah Palin, are you listening? Come to DRC! They like guns here too!





Things that have been entertaining me

15 10 2010

Now THIS is a good use for crowdsourcing. [h/t Duncan Green]

A great idea that will never happen

You tell’em, Wronging Rights

Hee hee [h/t Tyler Cowen]

It’s not often that an article makes me THIS mad [Tyler again]

Although actually this whole discussion makes me almost incoherent with rage





Congo

14 10 2010

crash





A drive through Port-au-Prince

6 02 2010

I was driving back from Carrefour into Port-au-Prince a few days back, and just took some video of the centre of town, which shows the nature of the destruction that we still see around. A lot of it has been tidied up in the last 2 weeks, certainly out of the streets and the view changes pretty much every day, but this is the way things looked this week:





My view of Haiti one week in

1 02 2010

Life in Haiti has been pretty intense the last week.

This week in Haiti has been work from 6am (or more like 5.30am when the generator wakes me up in my tent) until 10pm.

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This week in Haiti has been a lot of meetings, a lot of trying to find a space to sit and a plug to use in our overcrowded half of an office that is still standing (yes that is the country director sitting on the floor in the corner).

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It’s been seeing my Haitian friends and colleagues one after the other and the relief finding that most of them and their families had miraculously escaped intact, though many lost their houses and their possessions.

It’s also been confronting the facts, the places and the mutual friends of friends of mine who died, and trying to be sensitive to the trauma and loss that everyone here has been through.

It’s been dealing with the waiting for the bathroom that sharing a four bedroom house with up to 44 other people involves:

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(sleeping arrangements for the dozen or so colleagues outside without tents)

It’s been being woken up various times by various people vomiting noisily, and ferrying sick colleagues to find doctors late at night. 15 or so of us have been sick – stress, overwork, the living and the sleeping conditions, the lack of water, the fact that many just arrived and had to cope with a totally different climate and diet on top of it all. Not a good combination.

It’s been getting out of the office just one time to visit one site where people are living after their houses were destroyed, the old Petionville Golf Course (and Wednesday night salsa haunt for those who used to be here):

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(happy to see that you can still charge your mobile phone even in the camp).

It’s been coming to work in the shadow of our destroyed former office, and trying to work out what we can salvage from it without putting people at risk:

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It’s been realising it’s ok to laugh and smile with my old colleagues and friends who have been through so much.

It’s also been remembering that there comes a point in every emergency where you have to find a quiet corner to cry.

It’s been dealing with the inevitable insect incident, this time meeting a nice big hairy spider in my sleeping bag the other day.

It’s been being slightly depressed at one point or another every day by the pronouncements of yet another expert who knows nothing about the country as to how to fix Haiti.

It’s been guilt passing small groups of people we can’t really help right now, it’s been shock, it’s been confusion and shouting, it’s been coffee, it’s been regularly riding in a car with 14 other people, and above all it’s been an awful lot of skype.

Finally, it’s been a lot of wishing that I could stay longer and do something useful, while knowing I have to leave in just 5 weeks.





Interesting articles this week

5 12 2009

Someone somewhere is surely doing a study on who is less popular, pirates or bankers. But to confuse things, seems the pirates have actually been learning from the bankers – let’s hope they don’t start securitising those RPGs or we’ll all be in trouble. (h/t Texas in Africa)

Ahmed Rashid provides the best analysis I’ve seen of why Obama’s Afghanistan troop surge is a nothing more than a political ass-covering exercise, with very little chance of success. After holding out for nearly a year, I’m beginning to join the Obama-doubters. (h/t Teddy)

Wronging Rights highlights some outrageous badvocacy

“King Leopold’s Ghost” author Adam Hochschild visits Bunia to see what ex-child soldiers think of the Thomas Lubanga trial at the ICC, and comes back with a surprisingly good summary of the issues. (also thanks to Texas in Africa)





Jeremy Scahill is a paediatrician

29 11 2009

The sighs around the humanitarian community in Pakistan this week have been almost audible. What it boils down to is:

We’re trying to deal with a humanitarian emergency in Pakistan. It’s an emergency created by a US-encouraged Pakistani military campaign against the Taliban and driving millions of people from their homes. The Taliban themselves are largely the mutant offspring of the anti-Soviet Mujahedeen originally aided by the US, and the religious extremist militant groups encouraged by Pakistan themselves to fight against India in Kashmir.

We are trying to deliver assistance to displaced people in placeswhere the army doesn’t want us to go and get in the way (no link, because no one wants to talk about it), and in a post-Afghanistan, post-Daniel-Pearl world where the main strategy of militants is blowing up innocent people, and one where they increasingly see aid workers as legitimate targets (here, here and here).

Yet, this week has seen certain journalists trying their best to make life even harder.

This totally baseless campaign (here and here) clearly targeting foreign journalists (incredibly enough from a newspaper that calls itself the “most credible” in Pakistan) is either publicity-seeking or has a political agenda behind it, and no one I’ve spoken to seems sure which.  You might just think it’s irresponsible, but coming after the Matthew Rosenberg affair it seems certain that it’s more than that. Pretty bizarre to see journalists basically working against freedom of the press, but there you have it.

This, on the other hand, is sheer irresponsible stupidity. It’s journalism so irresponsible that is even manages to surprise the jaded, cynical aid workers. OK, the guy’s obsessed with Blackwater, and yes the story is interesting, although using only anonymous sources who contradict each other makes it questionable. But in this context, the throwaway line about Blackwater operatives posing as aid workers adds nothing to the story and is quite likely to lead to more humanitarian workers being killed. And this will reduce still further the space that humanitarians have to get assistance to people who need it.

Idiot.

NB – The title of this post comes from some more irresponsible journalism, a populist an anti-paedophile campaign a few years back in the UK that got taken to some ludicrous extremes. It would of course be wrong to make Jeremy Scahill fear for his life for no good reason, but that’s exactly what his irresponsible journalism has done for thousands of other innocent people.








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